June 2026

It was as if some occult hand had

A good Wikipedia Category: page is my happy place. And I just found one: journalistic hoaxes.

Some are serious and legendary: Stephen Glass, of The New Republic fame; Jayson Blair (New York Times); Janet Cooke (Washington Post). You’ve probably heard of these.

Some aren’t as legendary, like Ruth Shalit, another New Republic alum. And I’d never heard about Jonah Lehrer, or Tom Kummer, or Scott Thomas Beauchamp, yet another New Republic writer (seriously, what was going on at TNR back then? Good grief.)

While Glass et al were trying to pass off their hoaxes as legitimate journalism, a number of these others seem to have been intended as Yes Men-style social commentary. Like Paul Horner, whose fictitious articles may or may not have impacted the 2016 election, or Martin Eisenstadt, or Thatchergate, in which a British punk band faked a damning conversation between Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Reagan. Still others are strange experiments: The Shed at Dulwich, Masal Bugduv.

The weirdest ones are openly unbelievable enough that whether or not they’re actually hoaxes, so much as absurdist satire, is debatable:

My favorite isn’t even really a hoax: The Order of the Occult Hand, “…a secret society of American journalists who slip the meaningless and telltale phrase ‘It was as if some occult hand had…’ in print as an inside joke.”

Let me know if you ever see one of these.

FRSH Monza

Back in early 2018, I subscribed to a newsletter called Fresh Fonts, by Noemi Stauffer. Fresh Fonts highlighted new foundries and font releases, often including really good free/open-source ones. For paying subscribers, though, FF offered something even better: one free, high-quality font every month. These were commercial typefaces that Noemi was able to make available to subscribers through negotiations with the foundries. I got some of the best #fonts in my library from Fresh Fonts, including the one you’re looking at right now (MD Lórien).

Late last year, Fresh Fonts pivoted to something even more interesting: publishing their own fonts. They’ve released two so far, FRSH Monza and FRSH Clask. I’ve been experimenting with both. They’re lovely, Clask especially.

A few of my recent sketches with Monza are attached.

Say please

I’m starting to think that the best way to conceptualize #AI isn’t as vast, potentially malicious, hyper-advanced systems, but as vast, potentially malicious, hyper-advanced systems that power the most gullible, bumbling assistant you’ve ever worked with.

Like the sort of eager-to-please person who would give hackers access because they asked nicely. Or the overzealous go-getter who deletes all your emails and then apologizes for it.

Both at #Meta, by the way. One gets the sense that that “move fast and break things” cultspeak has not scaled so well.

Visited: June 2, 2026

A couple of online things I’ve been enjoying lately:

❦ My friend Tim Brown’s latest project, Deep Hush. Deep Hush is a collection of thoughts, notes, and links about rebalancing one’s sense of perspective and finding a quieter space.

On a side note, I love the “status” posts with the pixel illustrations. Such a cool way of doing this.


Kevin Kortum, who’s been doing a lot of interesting work, just redesigned his professional site. I like it.

I’ve always had a thing for text-based user interfaces—in particular those that mimic GUI windowing systems, like Microsoft’s DOS Shell or Borland’s Turbo Vision. Kevin’s site reminds me of the wilder designs from the more experimental days of the web: k10k, or those Flash-based sites1 that adopted a futuristic starship-dashboard aesthetic.


Soren Iverson. Iverson’s work belongs to a niche school of modern #art that I’m not sure how to name or categorize: darkly surrealist, design-centric art that’s inextricably specific to contemporary #technology products/culture. (Nanoraptor is another such practitioner.)

Iverson’s work centers on ideas for apps that don’t exist, and features for apps that do. These are (mostly) not good ideas; they’re ingeniously bad ones, concepts so creepy and dystopian that someone in the Bay Area will probably attempt them. The obvious comparison is Black Mirror, but to me, I’m reminded more of the Far Side for product design: one-panel jokes and commentary from a not-so-far future where every human need and impulse has been monetized, enshittified, and automated to a degree that is both blatantly ludicrous and still makes a diabolical kind of sense.

Iverson’s unfortunately gone silent, but I hope he gets back to these someday. (One has to wonder if this project landed him a job at Amazon, X, or one of those other companies that’s more likely to interpret these ideas as a portfolio rather than a satire. He’d be great at it. I hope for the sake of humanity that he turned them down.)

  1. Yes, I know what we all think of Flash. A lot of those designs were still cool, though.

Fixed game

⚠️ This post is about politics. If you’d rather not receive these in your feed, I’ve set up a politics-free RSS feed.

Kamala Harris is now—albeit obliquely—acknowledging the possibility of court packing. That’s something.

I have the impression that I worry more about the Supreme Court than most people do. At least, I’ve been worried about it longer. And I’ve also believed, for the past fifteen years or so, that a lot of Americans don’t share that worry nearly enough.

I recall the day Anthony Kennedy stepped down the way people remember terrorist attacks or presidential assassinations, because that moment, a comparatively unappreciated event, was just as significant as the far more violent ones that would follow. The writing had been on the wall for years: things were going to change, sharply and for the worse. And they did.

It’s simple enough math. Presidents are gone in 4–8 years. By contrast, a single Supreme Court justice can influence national—and, by extension, global—affairs for generations. But while the current #SCOTUS’s excesses have become common conversation these days, there was a time when the prevailing opinion was that some matters, like Roe v. Wade, had been settled for good. No rational court, no matter how partisan, was going to tamper with that. It would shatter the sense of trust in the institution, the respect for precedent that everyone assumed was sacrosanct. American voters just wouldn’t stand for it.

I never bought that reasoning, because what pre-MAGA complacency didn’t consider was the possibility of a deeply irrational court that might not be concerned about American voters at all, especially if the opinions of those voters no longer mattered as much. And as American conservatism shifted in an ever-darker direction—Sarah Palin, the Tea Party, Donald Trump, and ultimately an entire Republican Party gone full-metal MAGA—followed by ominously vaporous platitudes from the resulting SCOTUS nominees and the inevitable final outcome that had, not so long ago, been considered unthinkable, I got at least as focused on Senate races as I was on presidential ones.

This is why, for years now, my ears always prick up whenever someone raises the possibility of court packing.


Court packing—forcibly modifying the composition of the Supreme Court—is a radical, nakedly partisan move. There is no way to do this without looking like you are rigging the system, because that is literally what you are doing. Understandably, court packing is a measure that a lot of people involved in politics, or writing about it, did not want to admit they were seriously considering.

Until recently. Mainly because there may not be any other options. Quoting Millhiser, “That price might be worth paying if the Supreme Court is so hostile to voting rights and to the Democratic Party that Democrats risk being shut out of power forever unless they change the makeup of the Court.”

My reaction was pretty much the same as when the Democratic Party finally started playing hardball regarding gerrymandering, which they should have been treating as a top-priority existential crisis since 2010: what took you so long?

The consequences of going down this road are not imaginary. Of course conservatives are going to respond by repacking the court, first chance they get. Of course conservative-dominated states are going to regard a packed court as illegitimate. Of course some of them are going to engage in terrorism.

What’s key here is that these outcomes are not hypotheticals that can be warded off by example-setting and good behavior. It couldn’t be clearer at this point that Republicans do not have one iota of compunction about doing all of those things anyway (and that’s assuming you don’t consider the current court to have already been packed. I do). This is no longer a question of whether or not to rig the system. It’s already rigged, just in favor of people who want to do bad things instead of good ones.

That is the problem when one half of a political system decides they are no longer part of that system. The transactional logic that governs civilization no longer applies. You can’t say “We need to obey the rules, because if we don’t, the other guys are going to disobey them worse.” Unabashed political breakdown is a radical binary; an event horizon at which tit-for-tat game theory ceases to matter.

If you’re still playing by the rulebook, and the other team is playing Calvinball, you are categorically losing.